Concept Analysis Abstract In recent decades a distinctive literature has accumulated discussing the role of gender, feminism, and women's studies-related research GFWS in the communication field; however, questions persist about how this research is represented in the field's literature. This article sketches the history of this representation in a field test of a concept mapping technique that tracks patterns of publication and isolates conceptual associations within the titles of GFWS articles. This study accomplished several goals.
Common Themes and the Liberal-to-Radical Continuum Virtually all feminist thinking about rape shares several underlying themes. Feminist thought and activism have challenged the myth that rape is rare and exceptional, showing that it is in fact a common experience in the lives of girls and women.
It has now been amply confirmed by research: Of these women, Indeed, many women suffer multiple rapes in their lives: While such rapes do occur, the great majority of rapes are committed by a man or men known to the victim: For this reason, again contrary to stereotype, most rapes are intraracial.
In the study of over 16, Americans mentioned above, Remarkably few assailants are punished: Perhaps the most basic challenge that feminists have posed to traditional views of rape lies in the recognition of rape as a crime against the victim herself.
A raped woman or girl was less valuable as property, and penalties for rape often involved fines or other compensation paid to her husband or father Burgess-Jackson The marital rape exemption in law, which survived in the U.
A further corollary of this view was that women who were not the private property of any individual man—for instance, prostitutes—were unrapeable, or at least that no one important was harmed by their rape Dworkin—, Burgess-Jackson, Feminists in many U.
In addition to pressing for changes in law and in police and prosecutorial practices, feminists have founded and staffed rape crisis centers and hotlines to support victims, whether or not they choose to pursue charges against their attackers.
Feminist views of rape can be understood as arrayed on a continuum from liberal to radical. More radical views, in contrast, contend that rape must be recognized and understood as an important pillar of patriarchy. Johnson defines patriarchy as a social system in which men disproportionately occupy positions of power and authority, central norms and values are associated with manhood and masculinity which in turn are defined in terms of dominance and controland men are the primary focus of attention in most cultural spaces Radical feminists see rape as arising from patriarchal constructions of gender and sexuality within the context of broader systems of male power, and emphasize the harm that rape does to women as a group.
In addition, radical feminist approaches to rape often share one or more of the following three features. Third, the focus on group-based oppression has also led many radical feminist thinkers to examine the role of rape itself, and of ideologies about rape, in creating and reproducing not only patriarchy but multiple systems of domination, including racism and colonialism.
Achieving these goals has often involved arguing that certain kinds of encounters that have previously not been socially or legally recognized as rape should be so recognized—thus, challenging overly restrictive ideas often encoded in law about what counts as rape Burgess-Jackson; Sanday; Bevacqua Obvious examples include the abolition of marital-rape exemptions and the recognition of date and acquaintance rape.
There are varying feminist views about whether and how the concept of rape, and hence its framing in the law, requires further renegotiation or expansion. Many laws also include a force requirement, about which more below. To consent to something is to reverse a prima facie supposition about what may and may not be done.
This presumption is reversed, however, when and for as long as the other consents to such access. Consent thus alters the structure of rights and obligations between two or more parties.
Assuming for the moment that, in sexual encounters, rape exists where consent is lacking, the question then becomes what counts as consent. A vital task on the feminist agenda has been to challenge and discredit such ideas—to deny that what a woman wears, where she goes and with whom, or what sexual choices she has made in the past have any relevance to whether she should be seen as having consented to sex on a particular occasion.
Consent in general may be understood as either attitudinal or performative Kazan Because the kinds of behaviors mentioned above such as wearing revealing clothes, going somewhere alone with a man, or engaging in heavy petting have often been claimed by perpetrators to constitute evidence that a woman was in a mental state of willingness to have intercourse, feminists have often rejected attitudinal accounts in favor of performative ones; with a performative account, in contrast, a defendant can be challenged to articulate exactly what the woman said or did that constituted her consent to intercourse.
One limitation of a purely performative account of consent is that it does not take into account the context in which the relevant behavior or utterance occurs. Which if any such nonviolent coercive pressures should be regarded as rape, either morally or legally, is a matter of some controversy Schulhofer ; Burgess-Jackson Viewing at least certain kinds of nonviolent coercive pressures as incompatible with meaningful consent may yield the conclusion that some quid pro quo sexual harassment is also rape Falk Just what that state of mind is—what counts as mens rea in cases of rape—is a matter of some dispute Burgess-Jackson— The most conservative position—defended most famously in the DPP v Morgan decision Baron—holds that a man has mens rea only if he believes the woman is not consenting or that she is at least probably not consenting.
On this view, a man who sincerely believes that the woman is consenting is not guilty of rape, no matter how unreasonable his belief may be under the circumstances. A more moderate view is that a man has mens rea if he either believes the woman is not consenting or believes unreasonably that she is consenting.
Thus, in jurisdictions where this understanding of mens rea is in force, the question of whether the woman actually consented often gives way—particularly in cases of date and acquaintance rape—to the question of whether the man reasonably believed she consented.Feminist theory is a major branch of theory within sociology that shifts its assumptions, analytic lens, and topical focus away from the male viewpoint and experience and toward that of women.
In doing so, feminist theory shines a light on social problems, trends, and issues that are otherwise. tool for enhancing understanding of a concept that remains undis- putedly significant to both women and men today.4 The definition European history and the history of feminism The study of European women's history can contribute important insights to the exercise of .
1. Define the concept of feminism to them. What would you say to your son or daughter if they asked what feminism means? Giving them a clear definition is . The Combahee River Collective Statement Combahee River Collective. We are a collective of Black feminists who have been meeting together since .
The second type of feminism, called socialist feminism, is slightly less extreme but still calls for major social change. Socialist feminism is a movement that calls for an end to capitalism. Feminism in Politics: Definition, Development and Types! Definition of Feminism: There are number of definitions of feminism and a very lucid one has been offered by the author of the article published in Oxford Concise Dictionary of Politics.
“Feminism is a way of looking at the world which women occupy from the perspective of women.